AFTER years of inertia and unfulfilled promises, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation has once again come under scrutiny, this time with a sharp nudge from China. Beijing’s recent remarks are not subtle: if SAARC has failed to function, then it may be time for South Asia to rethink its model for regional cooperation. The suggestion? Build something new. Something that works.
Though not entirely surprising, China’s position injects a fresh and provocative voice into a long-running debate about the relevance and effectiveness of SAARC, an organisation that many now see as more ceremonial than operational.
SAARC: vision unrealised
ESTABLISHED in 1985, SAARC was meant to promote peace, stability and economic integration among its eight member states: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. However, over the past decade, the organisation has been effectively stalled.
The last full SAARC summit was held in 2014. Since then, efforts to reconvene have been repeatedly derailed, largely due to tensions between India and Pakistan. Under SAARC’s consensus-based model, any single member can block progress and that is exactly what has happened. Political deadlock, mutual suspicion and an inability to address bilateral issues have left SAARC adrift.
Trade within the SAARC region accounts for less than 5 per cent of the total trade volume of member countries, a figure that pales in comparison to the intra-regional trade in ASEAN or the European Union. Even basic regional initiatives, such as cross-border transportation and energy-sharing agreements, have struggled to gain traction. In short, SAARC has become a prisoner of its own politics.
China’s strategic proposition
CHINA is not a SAARC member, but it holds observer status and has growing influence in the region. At a recent multilateral engagement, Chinese officials stated plainly that if SAARC cannot fulfil its role, countries in the region should consider forming a new organisation, one based on action rather than gridlock.
A senior Chinese diplomat was quoted saying, ‘SAARC has potential, but if it cannot move forward, then countries must seek alternative platforms for regional cooperation. China is willing to support efforts that promote development, connectivity and stability.’
The statement is not just rhetorical. China has, through its Belt and Road Initiative, established deep economic and infrastructure ties across South Asia — with Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal and the Maldives among its major partners. It has built roads, ports, power plants and railways, and in doing so, cultivated influence. China’s call for a ‘new organisation’ can thus be interpreted both as a strategic interest and a critique of the regional status quo.
Reactions to China’s suggestion are mixed. Some in the region acknowledge that SAARC is struggling and has been for years. The idea of a more flexible, issue-based, or interest-driven platform is appealing, especially to smaller states caught between regional giants and economic uncertainty.
Countries like Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka — all of which have significant economic ties with China — may find merit in exploring new forums that prioritize development over diplomacy. For them, regional cooperation is not about symbolism; it is about access to markets, investment, climate resilience and connectivity.
At the same time, many remain wary of China’s motives. While Beijing frames its engagement as win-win,’ critics point to rising debt burdens and opaque contracts associated with Belt and Road Initiative projects. A new organisation, especially one with heavy Chinese involvement, would likely be seen by some as an attempt to displace Indian leadership in the region and reshape South Asia’s strategic architecture.
India’s cautious distance
INDIA, SAARC’s largest member, has historically championed the association, even as its frustrations have grown. In recent years, New Delhi has shifted focus to other platforms like Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation, which notably excludes Pakistan and includes Southeast Asian nations.
BIMSTEC allows India to pursue regional goals, such as connectivity, security cooperation, and disaster management, without the constant obstacle of India-Pakistan hostility. It also reflects India’s Indo-Pacific focus, aligning with its strategic partnerships with countries like Japan, Australia and the United States.
India is unlikely to welcome a China-led or China-backed regional organisation, viewing it as part of Beijing’s larger bid to expand influence and undermine India’s traditional role in South Asia. But at the same time, New Delhi has not offered a compelling vision for reviving SAARC, leaving a vacuum that others may fill.
Whether led by China or developed independently by South Asian nations themselves, the argument for a new form of regional cooperation is gaining ground. SAARC’s model, one based on consensus and avoidance of bilateral issues, may have once served a purpose, but today, it inhibits rather than enables progress.
A new platform could be informal, sectoral, or even project-specific — focused on practical cooperation in areas like health, education, digital infrastructure and climate resilience. It could involve external partners, but only with transparency, shared governance and fair participation.
The key question is whether countries in the region have the political will to look beyond old frameworks and explore new models, ones that are less about symbolism and more about outcomes.
Time to choose
CHINA’S statement, that a new organisation should replace an ineffective SAARC, is both a challenge and a provocation. It forces South Asia to confront an uncomfortable truth: despite years of rhetoric about unity and cooperation, the region remains deeply fragmented and under-integrated.
The decision now lies with South Asian leaders. They can either revive SAARC with renewed commitment and compromise, or they can design something new, one that reflects today’s realities, not yesterday’s dreams.
China’s proposal should not be accepted blindly, but neither should it be dismissed outright. At the very least, it offers an opportunity to rethink regional cooperation, not as an abstract ideal, but as a necessity in an increasingly interconnected and competitive world.
Shahidul Alam Swapan, Geneva-based private banking financial crime compliance expert, columnist and poet.