BANGLADESH has been practising a parliamentary system following the Westminster model, where the prime minister acts as head of the government along with a ceremonial president. The parliamentary system has been functioning with all its visible advantages and inadequacies. The parliamentary system has some edge over the presidential system when considered, given Bangladesh’s pluralistic and multi-party context. In the current state of political polarisation, diversity mixed with uncertainties and relatively weak institutions in Bangladesh, a shift to a presidential system could risk further centralisation of power and the rise of authoritarianism that may destabilise democracy. Under the current changed socio-political situation, for the parliamentary system to operate successfully, effectively and in line with the constitution, the politicians will need to encourage and promote consensus-building and inclusivity. Major challenges confronting the parliamentary system in Bangladesh are the dominance of the majority ruling party, political volatility and weak institutional arrangements and functionality, where the judiciary, public administration and local government institutions are more prone to executive interference due to the underdevelopment of democratic norms and institutions within society.
Role of political parties under democracy
UNDER democracy, the linkage or interface between a country’s constitution, political parties, legislature, central-local government and public administration system, including the judiciary, forms the backbone of its political and governance system. The constitution serves as the supreme legal framework of a nation, describing the structure of government, distribution of power, rights of citizens, and the rule of law. It provides the foundation for the functioning of political parties and parliament and defines how power is exercised, limited, and transferred. Political parties are organised groups representing specific ideologies or interests and seeking to gain power within the framework provided by the constitution. The judiciary plays a critical role in upholding the rule of law and justice in society.
Political parties contest elections, form governments or serve as opposition, influencing policy-making and legislative processes. Political parties work as an institutional channel between people and government. In other words, they act as link pins or intermediaries between the electorate and the government. Interest articulation and interest aggregation are important functions of political parties in a democracy. Parliament is a branch of the government responsible for making laws, typically composed of elected representatives. Parliament is a key arena for political parties to express their views, propose legislation, and scrutinise government actions. The constitution defines the structure and powers of the parliament, and political parties operate within this framework to pass laws, represent citizens, and check executive power. The constitution ensures that political parties and the parliament work within established legal limits, while the parliament provides the space where competing political parties play out in formal law-making processes.
Urban-centric politics and political pluralism
THE functions and activities of political parties in Bangladesh are primarily confined to urban and semi-urban centres. The political parties are better organised in the towns and cities. In Bangladesh, the urban-oriented politics and elitist nature of our society make ‘democracy hangs in the air of the urban centre,’ representing the interest of the middle or rich groups, very far from the reach of the mass of people who happen to be illiterate peasants in villages. This has a great impact on democratic practices manifest in rural areas of Bangladesh. Our multi-party urban elitist politics generally survive on patron-client relations. Political parties must take serious note of this fact and take appropriate measures and programs to consolidate democracy in rural and semi-urban areas.
The mass of peasants who constitute the bulk of the society must be deliberately mobilised along with industrial workers to participate in the democratic process. Some political parties might have made some progress in this direction, but much more serious, elaborate, and vigorous efforts establishing linkages across industrial, economic, and social sectors, including interest groups and professional groups in both public and private agencies, need to be taken. Sector-wise policy papers spelling out the party’s policies, strategies, and proposed improvements may be prepared. Standing ‘taskforces’ or ‘think tanks’ may be created in political parties. ‘Discussion groups’ around universities and research centres, agencies of the country, may be organised. The political party leaders may interact and exchange ideas and views with intellectuals, media people, women organisations, and conscious citizens through seminars, discussions, and meetings. All these efforts will strengthen the intellectual base and overall capability of the party in dealing with national and international cross-cutting issues and problems against dynamic global politics and situations.
Bangladesh’s politics is characteristically pluralistic in which diverse ideologies exist. This pluralism, as Carothers pointed out, is ‘feckless pluralism,’ which is characterised by a political pattern exhibiting a ‘poor representation of citizen’s interest, low levels of political participation beyond voting, frequent abuse of the law by government officials, very low level of public confidence in state institutions, persistently poor institutional performance by the state’ (Carothers, T. 2002, ‘The End of Transition Paradigm’, Journal of Democracy, 9-11). This type of political pluralism seems to exist and function insecurely in the mid-point between complete democracy and dictatorship or autocracy. One might argue against Carothers’ views expressed long ago, noting the political improvements and reforms in developing countries. However, Bangladesh’s politics and political development still bear a striking resemblance to ‘feckless pluralism.’ It is hoped that political parties and politicians will recognise this reality and take the necessary steps to strengthen democracy and democratisation processes in Bangladesh.
Political parties, central-field relations, local government reorganisation
THE bureaucratic-administrative perspective has dominated conceptualising and formalising the role and structure of local government institutions in Bangladesh. This is perhaps because the political development did not precede the bureaucratic development. Rather, the bureaucratic arrangements were in place before developing societies like Bangladesh gained independence. Though local government is generally considered the institution of local democracy, historically, Bangladesh’s local government, in reality, has been an extension and agent of the central government rather than an institution of local democracy. This type of local government can neither meet the demand for efficiency/accountability nor democracy. Is this acceptable to our political leaders at the national and local levels, intellectual groups, and academic groups concerned with local government reform?
Moreover, the existence of multiple tiers of local government, almost parallel to the central government’s ‘field administration’ structure — division, district, and upazila — needs to be examined. Is this hierarchy of local government useful and necessary? Is it desirable that the local government institution exists and operates only at the union level? What about strengthening the zila parishad by the directly elected chairperson, one female member directly elected, and a vice-chairperson indirectly elected based on either a rotational or weighted representation system? Hopefully, this new zila parishad will be established by combining direct and indirect election systems, having a more representative and balanced leadership, and providing effective governance to take care of and resolve issues/concerns across the district and upazila.
The concept of local government as a distinct level of government with structure and function guaranteed by the constitution is hardly perceived here. The commissions created by the interim government must deal with this issue and reach a consensus after discussing it with all the stakeholders. The political leadership of major parties must seriously examine political/administrative decentralisation issues and these ‘local government issues’ raised above without avoiding them and come to a firm decision relating to its structure, function, central-local relation, autonomy, and constitutional guarantee. The whole issue of local government reform needs, along with the relationship between centre-field administration and local government, will be discussed by this writer in a separate paper.
We should not think that the existence of institutions such as parliament, elections, courts, and political parties and the passing of a constitution would automatically guarantee the effective working of genuine democracy in a developing country like Bangladesh. We need to demystify such pretences, and the political actors and leaders must continuously champion the cause of democracy and human rights, even at the cost of some personal sacrifices and comfort. Such efforts will help disseminate democracy and democratic norms and values to the masses, who will ultimately defend the cause of democracy in Bangladesh. The conduct and attitudes of political leaders of both the ruling and the opposition parties are of crucial importance, not only for the working of democratic government but also for further strengthening the democratic forces, democratic institutions, and practices in both urban and rural areas in Bangladeshi society.
A noted scholar’s viewpoint expressed decades before on political disposition towards reform initiatives is worth mentioning: public leaders were careful to give much lip service to administrative reform, but they were careful to select only those that did not threaten their power, standing, and popularity and therefore served to reinforce existing institutions and arrangements and preclude viable alternatives. (Caiden, G. E. 1991, Administrative Reform Comes of Ages. Berlin, New York, Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG.) But the present writer firmly believes that our nation’s unique historical experiences, rich cultural heritage, and the current political landscape — demonstrated by a recent democratic victory over autocracy and a vibrant renewed commitment to democratic principles — will dispel the scepticism and suspicion expressed above.
Need for national consensus between political parties
IN A healthy democracy, political parties attempt to foster dialogue and compromise to build coalitions against fascism rather than taking extreme positions that polarise society. All the political actors and leaders must learn to make compromises by hammering out political differences. They must also have the willingness to arrive at a compromise. Democracy, in this sense, is an art of compromise, a process of give and take in which each party must be prepared to trade some goals for the common good and collective national interest. Such compromises mean only moderation/restraint in political positions and partisan stands rather than implying ‘giving up of party’s right to hold its views and campaign for them’.
In many developing countries, party workers feel loyal and confident within their political group, and they tend to distrust and, in some cases, show hostility towards members of other political groups. Extreme viewpoints and intense and emotional attachments to such viewpoints often hinder the accommodation and bargaining necessary to resolve political cleavages and conflicts in the democratic framework. The present political problems and the situation in Bangladesh require that all the political leaders representing different parties of the country become politically more rational and pragmatic rather than emotional and sentimental to achieve political compromise and consensus to sustain democracy and democratic politics. Democracy requires that all political parties cultivate and practise political tolerance and undertake a shift in the existing political culture, valuing diversity of thought and discouraging looking upon opposition parties as enemies.
The Bangladesh Anti-Corruption Commission must try to monitor and fight against corruption in the political process, ensuring that power is not abused to silence opposition party members. Moreover, to prevent the rise of authoritarianism or fascism in any form in Bangladesh, all political parties must join their hands and efforts in this direction. With this objective, it is essential to form an association or club of all political parties. This association or club of political parties would engage in organising and participating in discussions, debates, seminars, and meetings in the various public forums, focusing on the need for upholding and sustaining key values, principles, and norms of democracy, democratic political institutions and the overall nature and characteristics of democratic governance at all levels of administration, including local government institutions. Hopefully, these multifarious programmes and party-to-party interactions between political parties will help them arrive at a national political consensus on key issues confronting Bangladesh politics.
Scholars from both home and abroad who are familiar with activities of political parties and politics in Bangladesh think that political parties know more about the art and skills of opposition but not of governance. Politicians must realise that agitation politics may be a suitable strategy to overthrow a colonial or an authoritarian ruler. The current political reality and situation in Bangladesh provide ample evidence for this historic fact. They must also realise that agitation-oriented politics will hinder the consolidation of the democratisation process in Bangladesh. Agitational behaviour, ability, and tactics must be replaced by behaviour, ability, and skills necessary to operate in a tolerant and democratic political system. In all democratic nations, the party in power needs to show more tolerance to the opposition’s views. The ruling party must take a leadership role in its actions and policies in providing adequate opportunities and scope in the parliament and outside so that the opposition parties may not feel constrained to play their due role, of course, following the democratic ‘rules of the game.’
New challenges and direction for development in political parties
THE party leaders and workers need to develop their knowledge, ability, and skills to participate constructively and meaningfully at the following interfaces: inter-party level, intra-party level, party-people level, including major socio-political groups at national and local levels, and party-administration and bureaucracy. Political parties must also formulate pragmatic, realistic and detailed programmes addressed to political problems faced by the public for their mandate. Our politics and politicians need to be more present- and future-oriented rather than past-oriented. However, politicians need to learn from the ‘mistakes of the past’ rather than ‘live in the glory of the past’.
Politics and political development have always been dynamic, moving with the changing desires and aspirations of individuals evolving in each generation of society over time. The ‘democratic vision’, resonating in all socio-political institutions, should be kept ever flowing as water flows in a river, in the hearts and minds of all groups of people, particularly political actors, and collectively taking remedial actions whenever this democratic flow is obstructed by anybody or any institution, however powerful it may be. All democratic-conscious people with diverse political and multifarious affiliations should always remain vigilant against all undemocratic forces.
The Bangladeshi democracy and society highlight the unique blend of secular and spiritual values that characterise the country’s socio-political system. It underlines democracy not only as a system of governance but as a way of life deeply rooted in values like social justice, welfare, harmony, tolerance, and compromise generated and strengthened by religious values, traditions, and nationalism. The historical struggle of the Bangladeshi people, spanning from British colonial rule through the Pakistan period to independence, to establish a governance system that respects both secular and spiritual dimensions. This dual emphasis seeks to foster a society that balances individual freedoms with a collective commitment to ethical and cultural values, creating a sense of shared identity and purpose. This vision has indeed been central to Bangladesh’s political movements and remains a driving force in shaping the nation’s political and social landscape.
Those who are familiar with social history must know how Protestantism, specifically Calvinism, largely contributed to the rise of capitalism in Europe and the USA by promoting what Max Weber called the ‘protestant ethic’. Weber argued that Calvinist values of discipline, frugality, and hard work encouraged people to seek material success as a sign of personal virtue, unintentionally fostering a capitalist spirit focused on reinvestment and efficiency, thus motivating individuals to pursue economic success in this secular world.
While capitalism became associated with individual success and wealth generation, Protestant social values also inspired Christian socialism, rooted in principles of equality and social justice, emphasising helping the poor, critiquing economic systems that perpetuate inequality, and fostering community welfare. These movements were particularly influenced by the teachings of figures like Jesus, who advocated for compassion, care for the marginalised, and equitable resource distribution. This dual influence — on both capitalism and socialist ideals — demonstrates the adaptability of Protestant values to varying economic philosophies, making it a fascinating study of how religion can mould societal values in multiple directions, particularly in Western societies.
Politicians, policymakers, academic scholars, and intellectuals in Bangladesh should familiarise themselves with the modern socio-economic history of Europe and the USA to derive valuable lessons for the country’s development. In Bangladesh, where religious values play an integral role in many people’s lives, it would be valuable to explore how an ‘Islamic perception of life’ can enlighten economic policies and social development. Islam’s ethical perspectives on wealth distribution, community welfare, and the balance between individual and collective interests could indeed offer insights. This approach might help develop policies that emphasise economic justice and responsible stewardship, resonating with the nation’s unique cultural and social fabric. By integrating these values with modern principles of development, Bangladeshi scholars and policymakers could foster an inclusive model of progress that aligns with both the country’s aspirations and its heritage.
Those who are familiar with history must know that both democratic development and economic development evolved in the USA hand in hand with adjustments and modifications required under changing socio-economic needs and demands, maintaining a balance between the political system and the economic system. Though sometimes such a balance faced shock and strain, the political system brought back the balance by adopting appropriate corrective measures while printing the phrase ‘In God We Trust’ in US dollars that reflects America’s religious and cultural heritage that is respected till the present time. The politicians and the political parties in Bangladesh, to be relevant at this critical juncture, must not forget our socio-cultural and religious roots and political heritage. As a nation, Bangladesh will move forward, keeping in mind our historical perspective.
We believe that political leaders and parties play a pivotal role in making democracy work. In the context of democracy and democratic government, it is imperative in Bangladesh that more democratisation takes place within all political party structures and functions. Political parties need to have internal democratic structures allowing scope and practices for fair leadership selection with transparency and grassroots participation. Political leaders must encourage merit-based leadership rather than relying on patronage systems or dynastic politics. This would establish an example for the wider democratic governance of the country. Moreover, political parties giving up their traditional reliance on populist rhetoric or slogans must develop clear, policy-based platforms addressing development issues and challenges confronting Bangladeshi society.
Political parties in Bangladesh tend to be highly personalised. Participation of party workers/members in important policy-decision matters is minimal. Often decisions are made or imposed by party leaders without any consultation in the appropriate party forum. There should be two-way communication with feedback across all levels of the organisation of each political party. Top-down and bottom-up communication arrangements should not only be in place, but they must be followed and used in all important political party’s decision-making. In short, we must emphasise the need for developing more democratic orientations and practices in the management and working of political parties.
To promote democracy in Bangladesh, democratic practices, norms, and values must be practiced increasingly by political leaders within all party forums. For leadership development, there may be separate training programmes for young politicians and party workers.
All political parties may consider adopting ‘term limits’ for key political offices, including the prime minister, to prevent long-term dominance by one individual or party. Finally, politicians should remember that they have a moral obligation and duty to articulate, express, and fulfil people’s dreams, hopes, needs, and demands. Hopefully, the current interim government will hold a free, fair, and creditable national election in the country. The interim government will hand over power to the winning party or a coalition of parties securing majority seats in the Parliament. During this gap period between now and the next national election, political parties have enough time and opportunities to undertake necessary reform measures for further democratisation in its structural-functional aspects and operations in line with the current pulse and aspirations of people, particularly the young people. They must engage in formulating strategies to attract the participation of young people representing both male and female populations within each political party for fresh ideas and perspectives enriching parties’ strengths and programmes. Political parties, if they adopt and implement these measures coupled with other reform agendas discussed above, may enhance their popularity and get better results in the next national election.
Dr Lutful Hoq Choudhury is a retired professor of public administration, Dhaka University.
